Showing posts with label research. Show all posts
Showing posts with label research. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Digital information technology's impact on rave culture*

Digital information technologies offer liberating, emancipating opportunities for the creation of new communities and spaces where young people can belong, yet they can be constraining and oppressive as well.

Digital information technologies could be considered constraining and oppressive in terms of access and usability, and the broad appeal and reach of digital information technologies has actually been a disadvantage to some cultures in terms of removing exclusivity.

For example, the majority of web content is written in English, which means that users must be literate in the English language, or hope that the website they wish to visit has alternate versions which have been translated into their language. The web also favours fast internet access and users without disabilities, as seen in the design and layout of many popular websites such as YouTube, which is better suited to broadband connections, inaccessible to the blind and does not yet provide captions for the hearing impaired.

To expand on my LJA6 essay on rave culture, digital information technologies have played a part in allowing access to what was once regarded as an ‘underground’ rave scene. The proliferation of change and growth in rave culture has traditionally not been openly accepted by the community itself even prior to digital media, forcing fandom and culture cycles.

With the integration of ‘dance’ music in commercial radio broadcasts, enduring news reports of illegal drug busts, films portraying the subculture, and websites dedicated to advertising rave culture, some aspects of this culture’s entrance into the mainstream, in what was once an “underground, pre-commercialised rave scene” (Siokou & Moore 2008, p. 56), is now regarded with nostalgic mourning by authentic raver identities (Siokou & Moore 2008, p. 56, Brabazon 2002, p.20).

So in a sense, digital information technology has removed the ‘exclusivity’ from what was once an underground practice, much to the dismay of the rave culture’s fandom as this has attracted thousands of punters who didn’t adopt their beliefs and practices, thus mutating the culture.

*Discussion Forum Activity posted on 1st April, 2009 by Maria Tan

CMNS6060 - eCulture and Audiences, The University of Newcastle

Children of the night


Download or print this publication

This essay discusses rave culture by describing how a member performs their 'raver' identity online.

Why oh why can’t you just accept it? I’m a raver, not a f***ing drug addict! Yeah that’s right I do Es, I get plastered. Leave me alone, it’s my life, I think it’s sorted (DJ Hixxy & MC Storm, 2001).

Once an ‘underground’ youth subculture of the Gen X and Cold Gen Y age bracket in the 80s and 90s, the electronic music created by digital technologies that spawned the ‘rave’ scene and ‘dance’ culture still continues to assert its influence on youth culture and identity, on a global scale, to the present day.

The fandom created by this rave culture is evident in the continuous evolution of cultural, performative and local dimensions (de Kloet & van Zoonen, 2007) surrounding this rave and club culture community. Centred around a broad classification of ‘dance’ music with its many mutating sub genres, the idolisation of local and international DJs, as well as drugs, jargon, fashion, dance styles, and ideologies; the fans within this community discuss and ascribe to cultural elements which are neither static nor distinct for all ‘ravers’ as “rave, for the majority, is a ‘weekend’ culture of hedonism, sensation and escape” (Goulding et al 2002, p.263) that has now spanned two decades of youthful participation throughout Australia and around the world.

Fans in this community can be actively seen representing their raver identities in the Glowsticking.com (GS.C) website , dedicated to a particular prop used in the performative dance styles of rave culture, called ‘glowsticks’.

GS.C community members construct personalised profiles with the opportunity to blog, link to their existing websites, participate in various forum and chat discussions extending to Twitter and Facebook, and submit articles, photos and videos relating to rave/club culture. This allows the fan to express a representation of their identity online through a variety of textual and audio visual forms with others in the cultural community. For example, in the profile of a senior GS.C member, *+*Beautiful Starlite*+*, she states her interests in the ‘Personal Info’ section using jargon synonymous with rave culture:

Mixing Trance , Music Junkie (I love most EDM Genere's along with other Genere's) [sic], Learning new ways of Freehanding , Living Life To The Fullest, Loving As much As I Can, Laughing Till It Hurts, Smiling, and Just Being Me! P.L.U.R.R .o0o})i({o0o

Within the gallery and article submissions sections, GS.C members are able to upload personally created dancing tutorials, performative audio, videos and photos of themselves, friends and DJs at raves/clubs, and reinforce their online raver identities through attending GS.C’s ‘meet ups’ with others from the community, the outcome of which is documented on the GS.C website through photos and videos further establishing social proof of the community members’ cultural activism.

The online ‘narrative’ space GS.C provides, and the ‘techno’ music central to the performative rave culture are literal examples of how digital technology has shaped youth identity and social practices. This technological acculturation is noted by White & Wyn (2008) of Willis’ (2003) work:

“Young people creatively respond to electronically produced cultural products in ways that surprise their makers, ‘finding meanings and identities never meant to be there’.”



[1] Mixing refers to the audio mixing of various sound sources performed by a DJ to produce the effect of a homogenous and undisrupted sequential sound.
[2] Trance is a sub genre of dance music.
[3] Freehanding refers to a style of dance using glowsticks.
[4] P.L.U.R. is an acronym within rave culture that stands for Peace, Love, Unity and Respect.

For a full list of references click here

Monday, July 13, 2009

Playing dice with the universe



This essay analyzes the role 'play' performs in media engagement, and discusses what the study of media play adds to traditional media theory.

“We are always immersed in something, whether it is narrative, a form of media, or just our own thought process” (Brooks 2004, p. 15). To ‘play’ is to begin one such process of immersion, to enter a state of mind which can ultimately define the nature of audience interaction with any form of media. As Vorderer (2001) notes in his analysis of ‘Play Theory’ and its relation to entertainment:
“Many theoretical considerations have described in detail how media users change their sense of reality by taking on the reality provided by the media while temporarily ignoring the physical and social reality in which they are actually living and in which the media is part.”
Interactivity is the media audience relationship in motion, encompassing why and how the audience connects through specific mediums, and the outcomes derived from those interactions. “Interactivity is not just a matter of usage but includes cognitive and emotional processes as well” (Carpentier 2007, p. 221).

The concept of play is important in studying audience interactivity as it denotes a subjective form of involvement that is constructed by the individual. This can in turn affect the individual’s attitudes and choices towards participation. For example, as Livingstone (2008) found in her studies of teenagers’ and their uses of social networking, self expression and creativity was not limited to simply “enacting identity” through publishing factual information about oneself, but also fictitious information that reflected the “teenagers’ playful, occasionally resistant style”.


Play also adds another dimension to both reception and effects studies in that it can augment the audience’s semiotic interpretations and representations of a text that has been either delivered to them or created by them. “Play liquefies the meaning of signs; it breaks up the fixed relation between signifier and signified, thus allowing signs to take on new meanings” (Kucklich 2004, p. 7-8).

An explanation of this can be attributed to the inherent ‘pleasure’ derived from experimentation mixed with imagination, a key theme in Stephenson’s work (1988) which contrasts the concepts of ‘work and play’ as parallel to the dualities of ‘pain and pleasure’. The subjectivity of this pleasure seeking behaviour has the potential to merge effects and reception studies due to play’s “intertextuality” and “fluidity”, an experience which Friedman (2008) describes:

“We may transition from watching a movie, to acting it out in front of friends, to re-enacting it in video games, to dreaming about it. These may be different forms of media consumption, but they are all aspects of the same circuit of play, imaginatively reworking the raw materials of story and character.”

Therefore when ‘Play Theory’ is applied to audience research, the scope of the media-audience relationship widens beyond that of effects and reception as they are intermingled in imaginative experimentation. As psychologist Albert Bandura, originally renowned for his effects related research, said during his later work on Social Cognitive Theory (Bandura 2001, p. 142):

“Analyses of the role of mass media in social diffusion must distinguish between their effect on learning modelled activities and on their adoptive use, and examine how media and interpersonal influences affect these separable processes.”
For a full list of references click here

Monday, April 6, 2009

Internet literacy for the digital age


In light of the Rudd Government's plans to enforce internet censorship in Australia, this essay discusses the current state of research conducted by the Australian government in contrast with influential internet and digital literacy research from the UK.

Twenty years ago surfing this sea of information through a web of interconnected networks was an experience unfamiliar to the citizens of a soon-to-be global society. Nowadays it is widely practiced but still seemingly misunderstood in terms of digital or internet literacy, which remains a relatively new concept that is not yet widely taught as part of the curriculum in educational institutions throughout Australia.

Similarly, this was the case in the United Kingdom (UK) less than five years ago. The potential of the internet as a great resource for information and interactivity was widely accepted, and youth were proclaimed to be great navigators of this new technology. But as it turns out, “the gap between what children are actually doing and what their parents think they are doing is a lot larger than many people would have imagined” (Carr cited in Bober & Livingstone, 2005).


The UKCGO Project

It was through further comprehensive research that a clearer picture of internet literacy, with regard to children and their families, was formed through the UK Children Go Online (UKCGO) project. This project was established and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), an independent organisation funded by the UK Government’s Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (ESRC, 2009).

The ESRC commissioned the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) to conduct academic research as part of their ‘e-Society’ programme in collaboration with funding and advice from AOL, the National Children’s Home (NCH) now known as Action for Children, Childnet International, Citizens Online and the Office of Communications (Ofcom) which incorporates the now defunct Broadcasting Standards Commission (BSC) and Independent Television Commission (ITC). Members from these organisations also served as part of the project’s ‘Children’s Advisory Panel’.

Through the collaboration of these non profit, corporate, academic, government and independent organisations came the ‘UK Children Go Online’ project. This project paved the way for stimulating public awareness of the sociological implications surrounding children’s internet usage. Through media coverage, further research, education programmes and government initiatives, the research from this project still continues to influence society’s understanding of the media-audience relationship with the internet to the present day.

Research from the UKCGO project has played a key role in government debate as actioned by Baroness Susan Greenfield in the House of Lords during April 2006, which provided a basis for further consultation with other government departments such as the Home Office Internet Task Force and the Department for Education and Skills (DfES) which has since been replaced by The Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF) and the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (DIUS).

More recently the research from this project was used as evidence during the ‘Byron Review’ in the House of Commons during July of last year where UKCGO’s project researcher, Professor Livingstone, was called upon as a witness for the Committee on Culture, Media and Sport in the House of Commons and spoke of findings from the UKCGO project (HC 353-II, 2007-2008). Based upon this research among other works, the UK Council for Child Internet Safety (UKCCIS) was then established in September 2008 to develop and maintain a Child Internet Safety Strategy (Byron Review, 2008).

This report has not only been significant within the UK or European countries but has influenced international initiatives such as the annual ‘Safer Internet Day’ where this year’s theme of ‘Social Networking and Cyber Bullying’ is based upon research from the ‘Good Practice Guidance for the Providers of Social Networking and Other User Interactive Services’ released in 2008, which draws upon findings from Livingstone’s UKCGO project work.

The reason for this ongoing popularity of the findings from the UKCGO project is due to the comprehensive nature of the studies conducted. The research methodologies employed in the project comprise of quantitative and qualitative techniques which involve a large number of participants. As CEO of Childnet International, Stephen Carrick-Davies, points out in the UKCGO final report: “This is the largest body of academic research on children’s use of technology ever to happen in the UK.”

Another unique aspect of the project is that it goes beyond preceding secondary research which traditionally focused on quantitative audits of factors such as internet usage patterns and perceptions or “small-scale, qualitative work” (Livingstone, 2003 as cited in Bober & Livingstone, 2004). The research methodologies used in the UKCGO project differs by delving into the qualitative aspects of the media-audience relationship based on a uses-and-gratifications and ethnographic model which was centrally focused on the niche market of children in families on a national scale. “The study is unique in that it reveals the thoughts and feelings of young people themselves about the digital age in which they are living” (Biz/ed, 2005).

The shortcomings of adopting a rigid approach can limit the effectiveness of audience research. As Kerr, Kücklich and Brereton (2006) note, the uses-and-gratifications model “is unable to deal with variations in media experience” involving socio-economic and cultural media consumption, and that:

Conventional textual analysis tries to make visible the latent and inherent meanings and pleasures to be found in a text, but this approach can be problematic when applied to new media, where the text is far from static, and is most useful when combined with work that explores how users actually interpret and use the text.

According to Livingstone’s ‘End of Award Report’ (2005), the research was designed using secondary research information and consultation with the ‘Children’s Advisory Panel’ who assisted in forming survey designs and providing guidance throughout the project. Quality control was achieved by forming an ethics policy through external consultation with a number of organisations, and quality check interviews by the British Market Research Bureau (BMRB) conducted after the project found that the “10% of respondents [interviewed] reported few or no problems”.

In order to explore the media-audience relationship of children and the internet through the uses-and-gratifications and ethnographic models, qualitative methods were adopted to gauge a child’s comprehension of the technology. Where previous studies have focused on familiarity with the internet and computer technology, the UKCGO project also measures their proficiency by determining how well children implement the technology to benefit their lives in what Livingstone describes as “internet literacy”.

To achieve this, the project’s research was conducted in three phases involving over 1500 children and their parents. The quantitative methods were employed in a “national, in-home, 40-minute face to face survey of 1511 9-19 year olds and 906 parents of the 9-17 year olds, using Random Location sampling across the UK” (Bober & Livingstone, 2005) to establish “social, economic and cultural patterning of internet-related interests, beliefs and practices among children and young people” (Bober & Livingstone, 2004). During phases 1 and 3, qualitative methods in terms of focus group discussions, mind mapping exercises, depth and/or paired depth interviews, and direct in-home observations of internet use were employed to collect data amongst children, parents and five youth web producers from varied social groups.

These qualitative methods were not only appropriate, but necessary in order to meet the project’s objectives, specifically in providing “in-depth qualitative data on the emerging place of the internet in children and young people’s lives”, and also to “ensure that children’s own voices are heard in public and policy debates” (Livingstone, 2005). This could not have been accomplished using quantitative methods alone and thus the combination of both quantitative and qualitative techniques have proved successful in representing scalable differences and commonalities from results arising within a subjective, individual user experience.


An Australian perspective

With the Rudd Government’s introduction of national reforms as part of the Australian ‘Education Revolution’ involving the rollout of thousands of computers across schools and the introduction of the ‘Education Tax Refund’ returning 50 per cent of costs associated with computer and internet expenses, Australia is still yet to produce internet related, child centred research that matches the comprehensive nature of the UKCGO project.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2008): “in 2007-08, 67 percent of Australian households had home Internet access and 75 percent of households had access to a computer”. Digital media technology has already established its presence as commonplace in everyday Australian life, and with this presents new educational and social challenges. “Technology will do you no good unless you have men and women who know how to take advantage of it,” News Corp Chairman Rupert Murdoch said during the Boyer Lectures last November. “Societies that want to prosper in this new age need to cultivate a spirit of learning and flexibility and achievement”.

Yet ‘digital literacy’ is a relatively new term only recently being discussed within Government, as introduced by the Australian Communications and Media Authority’s (ACMA) ‘Families and Media Literacy Research Forum’ during September 2008, where the ACMA’s Strategic Research Section Manager, Lesley Osborne, announced that the “ACMA’s digital literacy research program is still in its early days”.

Some of the research cited during this digital literacy forum were from preceding ACMA reports conducted in 2007 and 2005 with updates pertaining to youth in 2008, which used qualitative methods by way of phone interviews, surveys and a “self-complete time-use diary” (ACMA, 2007) although the 2007 ACMA report does cite the UKCGO Survey (2006) as part of the research literature reviewed for the report. However, these previous ACMA reports did not employ focus groups or in home observations and discussion of internet usage particularly with relation to children, nor did the ACMA research collaborate with a large number of organisations to incorporate their guidance as an advisory body, in relation to survey design or methodologies used.

With the Rudd (2008) Government’s “evidence-based policy” approach to decision making, it is crucial that Australia draws upon the research methodologies seen in the UKCGO project, among other studies, to establish a clear understanding of the state of digital literacy within the nation as a way forward to addressing key issues pertaining to educational needs, regulation and best practice guidelines.

Research of the magnitude seen in the UKCGO project has already shaped government policy within the UK and influenced many other studies following the release of its findings. The issues raised through the project’s research such as child safety on the internet, lack of internet literacy education and the effects of socio-economic status on access to facilities affect not only children and their parents but society as a whole. It is as Buckingham (2007) notes:

The increasing convergence of contemporary media means that we need to be addressing the skills and competencies – the multiple literacies – that are required by the whole range of contemporary forms of communication.

For a full list of references click here

Monday, March 2, 2009

Location! Location! Location!


This essay discusses the bearing 'spaces' have on how audience members are positioned and perceived by media producers.

It’s the phrase real estate agents swear by like some unspoken sales creed of official truth. Although ‘location, location, location’ is advice generally applied in a literal sense when, for example, purchasing the ideal business property to attract customers, the concept behind this capacity to influence certain people by analysing the spaces they occupy, can also be applied to audiences drawn to the media production of intellectual ‘property’ such as magazines, newspapers, TV and radio programs.

By considering spaces as a key factor in audience research, media producers may then generate content to target the “inscribed reader” who O'Shaughnessy and Stadler (2008) defines as “an ideal reader who is constructed by the text or who is imagined or intended by the producers of the text” (p.100) .

When the geographic space where media is consumed is taken into consideration, it creates quantitative and qualitative parameters which can attempt to describe who the audience is. This description of the audience can then be used by the media to produce content which assumes a particular style which may appeal more so to their inscribed reader.

This stylistic approach is evident in the many newspapers available within Sydney which differ in content based on their target demographic. The content in a metropolitan newspaper will vary significantly from a community newspaper based on spatial reach alone without considering audience socio-economic factors.

What news may be deemed significant to local residents in the suburb of Campbelltown such as this week’s front page story, “Bulldozer Cure”, in the Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser (Marchetta 2009), a follow up news article of recent violence in the local area, is not necessarily news of national interest and was not mentioned in any Sydney metropolitan paper this week.

However, during January, the violent event was reported in national, metropolitan and local print, web and broadcast news for approximately 2 weeks with headlines such as: “Elders called in to calm Sydney 'ghetto'” (ABC News 2009), “Life in a suburban warzone” (The Daily Telegraph 2009), and “Local member won't visit Rosemeadow” (AAP 2009).

The local news coverage of the event titled “Two shot and four stabbed at Rosemeadow” (Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser 2009) had ongoing follow up articles such as “It’s time to shake off an unfair reputation” and “Is Campbelltown as bad as what the media makes it out to be?” (Macarthur Chronicle 2009). This week’s edition of the Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser also includes the article “Campbelltonian and proud of it!” by its Editor (McGill 2009).

The style in which this story was presented to the audience by the media is an example of the role spaces play in how messages are positioned to the perceived audience. It also outlines some disadvantage to this spatial analysis of a mass audience by the local community itself declaring misrepresentation in the eyes of the nation.

As highlighted by this example, it seems the resulting content from the spatial perception of a mass audience by media producers is as McQuail describes: ranged from simple prejudice and snobbery to sophisticated exercises in media analysis.

For a full list of references click here