Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Digital information technology's impact on rave culture*

Digital information technologies offer liberating, emancipating opportunities for the creation of new communities and spaces where young people can belong, yet they can be constraining and oppressive as well.

Digital information technologies could be considered constraining and oppressive in terms of access and usability, and the broad appeal and reach of digital information technologies has actually been a disadvantage to some cultures in terms of removing exclusivity.

For example, the majority of web content is written in English, which means that users must be literate in the English language, or hope that the website they wish to visit has alternate versions which have been translated into their language. The web also favours fast internet access and users without disabilities, as seen in the design and layout of many popular websites such as YouTube, which is better suited to broadband connections, inaccessible to the blind and does not yet provide captions for the hearing impaired.

To expand on my LJA6 essay on rave culture, digital information technologies have played a part in allowing access to what was once regarded as an ‘underground’ rave scene. The proliferation of change and growth in rave culture has traditionally not been openly accepted by the community itself even prior to digital media, forcing fandom and culture cycles.

With the integration of ‘dance’ music in commercial radio broadcasts, enduring news reports of illegal drug busts, films portraying the subculture, and websites dedicated to advertising rave culture, some aspects of this culture’s entrance into the mainstream, in what was once an “underground, pre-commercialised rave scene” (Siokou & Moore 2008, p. 56), is now regarded with nostalgic mourning by authentic raver identities (Siokou & Moore 2008, p. 56, Brabazon 2002, p.20).

So in a sense, digital information technology has removed the ‘exclusivity’ from what was once an underground practice, much to the dismay of the rave culture’s fandom as this has attracted thousands of punters who didn’t adopt their beliefs and practices, thus mutating the culture.

*Discussion Forum Activity posted on 1st April, 2009 by Maria Tan

CMNS6060 - eCulture and Audiences, The University of Newcastle

Children of the night


Download or print this publication

This essay discusses rave culture by describing how a member performs their 'raver' identity online.

Why oh why can’t you just accept it? I’m a raver, not a f***ing drug addict! Yeah that’s right I do Es, I get plastered. Leave me alone, it’s my life, I think it’s sorted (DJ Hixxy & MC Storm, 2001).

Once an ‘underground’ youth subculture of the Gen X and Cold Gen Y age bracket in the 80s and 90s, the electronic music created by digital technologies that spawned the ‘rave’ scene and ‘dance’ culture still continues to assert its influence on youth culture and identity, on a global scale, to the present day.

The fandom created by this rave culture is evident in the continuous evolution of cultural, performative and local dimensions (de Kloet & van Zoonen, 2007) surrounding this rave and club culture community. Centred around a broad classification of ‘dance’ music with its many mutating sub genres, the idolisation of local and international DJs, as well as drugs, jargon, fashion, dance styles, and ideologies; the fans within this community discuss and ascribe to cultural elements which are neither static nor distinct for all ‘ravers’ as “rave, for the majority, is a ‘weekend’ culture of hedonism, sensation and escape” (Goulding et al 2002, p.263) that has now spanned two decades of youthful participation throughout Australia and around the world.

Fans in this community can be actively seen representing their raver identities in the Glowsticking.com (GS.C) website , dedicated to a particular prop used in the performative dance styles of rave culture, called ‘glowsticks’.

GS.C community members construct personalised profiles with the opportunity to blog, link to their existing websites, participate in various forum and chat discussions extending to Twitter and Facebook, and submit articles, photos and videos relating to rave/club culture. This allows the fan to express a representation of their identity online through a variety of textual and audio visual forms with others in the cultural community. For example, in the profile of a senior GS.C member, *+*Beautiful Starlite*+*, she states her interests in the ‘Personal Info’ section using jargon synonymous with rave culture:

Mixing Trance , Music Junkie (I love most EDM Genere's along with other Genere's) [sic], Learning new ways of Freehanding , Living Life To The Fullest, Loving As much As I Can, Laughing Till It Hurts, Smiling, and Just Being Me! P.L.U.R.R .o0o})i({o0o

Within the gallery and article submissions sections, GS.C members are able to upload personally created dancing tutorials, performative audio, videos and photos of themselves, friends and DJs at raves/clubs, and reinforce their online raver identities through attending GS.C’s ‘meet ups’ with others from the community, the outcome of which is documented on the GS.C website through photos and videos further establishing social proof of the community members’ cultural activism.

The online ‘narrative’ space GS.C provides, and the ‘techno’ music central to the performative rave culture are literal examples of how digital technology has shaped youth identity and social practices. This technological acculturation is noted by White & Wyn (2008) of Willis’ (2003) work:

“Young people creatively respond to electronically produced cultural products in ways that surprise their makers, ‘finding meanings and identities never meant to be there’.”



[1] Mixing refers to the audio mixing of various sound sources performed by a DJ to produce the effect of a homogenous and undisrupted sequential sound.
[2] Trance is a sub genre of dance music.
[3] Freehanding refers to a style of dance using glowsticks.
[4] P.L.U.R. is an acronym within rave culture that stands for Peace, Love, Unity and Respect.

For a full list of references click here

Thursday, July 23, 2009

How to add the Facebook Fan Box on Blogger

An updated version of this guide can be found here: http://maria-tan.blogspot.com/2010/12/how-to-add-facebook-like-box-on-blogger.html



Please note: 'How to add the Facebook Like Box' is the new version of this post.
The post you are viewing now was made in 2009 and may no longer work.
  1. Get the code for your Facebook Fan Box. This can be done in a few ways, see the image above, or visit the fb Fan Box Wizard.

  2. Sign in to Blogger and go to Layout > Page Elements.

  3. Click Add a Gadget.

  4. Choose Basics > HTML/Javascript

  5. Add a Title and paste the code for your Facebook Fan Box under Content.

  6. Click Save.

  7. Preview and edit again if necessary. You can customize certain settings of the fan box.

  8. Don't forget to Save the changes once you are finished :)

For my sidebar FB Fan Box widget to fit in snugly with my Minima Lefty template, I changed:

fb:fan connections="6"
width="200"
height="554"

Note: The scroll bar doesn't work in preview mode.

Monday, July 13, 2009

Playing dice with the universe



This essay analyzes the role 'play' performs in media engagement, and discusses what the study of media play adds to traditional media theory.

“We are always immersed in something, whether it is narrative, a form of media, or just our own thought process” (Brooks 2004, p. 15). To ‘play’ is to begin one such process of immersion, to enter a state of mind which can ultimately define the nature of audience interaction with any form of media. As Vorderer (2001) notes in his analysis of ‘Play Theory’ and its relation to entertainment:
“Many theoretical considerations have described in detail how media users change their sense of reality by taking on the reality provided by the media while temporarily ignoring the physical and social reality in which they are actually living and in which the media is part.”
Interactivity is the media audience relationship in motion, encompassing why and how the audience connects through specific mediums, and the outcomes derived from those interactions. “Interactivity is not just a matter of usage but includes cognitive and emotional processes as well” (Carpentier 2007, p. 221).

The concept of play is important in studying audience interactivity as it denotes a subjective form of involvement that is constructed by the individual. This can in turn affect the individual’s attitudes and choices towards participation. For example, as Livingstone (2008) found in her studies of teenagers’ and their uses of social networking, self expression and creativity was not limited to simply “enacting identity” through publishing factual information about oneself, but also fictitious information that reflected the “teenagers’ playful, occasionally resistant style”.


Play also adds another dimension to both reception and effects studies in that it can augment the audience’s semiotic interpretations and representations of a text that has been either delivered to them or created by them. “Play liquefies the meaning of signs; it breaks up the fixed relation between signifier and signified, thus allowing signs to take on new meanings” (Kucklich 2004, p. 7-8).

An explanation of this can be attributed to the inherent ‘pleasure’ derived from experimentation mixed with imagination, a key theme in Stephenson’s work (1988) which contrasts the concepts of ‘work and play’ as parallel to the dualities of ‘pain and pleasure’. The subjectivity of this pleasure seeking behaviour has the potential to merge effects and reception studies due to play’s “intertextuality” and “fluidity”, an experience which Friedman (2008) describes:

“We may transition from watching a movie, to acting it out in front of friends, to re-enacting it in video games, to dreaming about it. These may be different forms of media consumption, but they are all aspects of the same circuit of play, imaginatively reworking the raw materials of story and character.”

Therefore when ‘Play Theory’ is applied to audience research, the scope of the media-audience relationship widens beyond that of effects and reception as they are intermingled in imaginative experimentation. As psychologist Albert Bandura, originally renowned for his effects related research, said during his later work on Social Cognitive Theory (Bandura 2001, p. 142):

“Analyses of the role of mass media in social diffusion must distinguish between their effect on learning modelled activities and on their adoptive use, and examine how media and interpersonal influences affect these separable processes.”
For a full list of references click here

Thursday, May 14, 2009

Accepting the unaccepted


An online example of geeks as 'resistance' and 'project' identities based on Castells' theory of the network society which explains how producers use language strategically to invite audience members to collaborate in the cause.

It’s the rise of the token smart guy, coming to a computer screen near you. Nowadays the mass media is saturated with symbols of ‘geekdom’ through tech websites and magazines, sci-fi genres, comic books brought to life, and even infamous hackers and their ‘underground’ society are now frequently portrayed in films and reported in the news. “In a new media environment characterized by sharing and creative repurposing, some fan practices and texts once labeled as ‘geeky’ or ‘nerdy’ seem much less stigmatized” (Tocci 2007, p. 1).

According to Quail (2009), the nerd has been historically constructed as an awkward, math-savvy, social and sexual failure which Konzack (2006, p. 2) dubs as an “intellectual cultural movement”. Drawing from Castells’ (2004, p. 8) identity structures, it would seem that nerds and geeks have formed their own sub culture of ‘networked individualism’ out of resistance and project identities as a defense mechanism from the world that shunned them.

A subset of this intellectual cultural movement would be the ‘hacker’ culture, in the mass media sense of the term, which encompasses the illegal activity of ‘crackers’ and primarily denotes advanced ICT expertise.

One well known hacker within this culture is Eric Steven Raymond (ESR), a writer, IT professional and self professed nerd and geek. On his website , ESR promotes his books, essays and viewpoints including a “HOWTOs” section on “Hacker History and Culture”.

ESR employs many techniques as elements of persuasive ‘techie-oriented’ language in the form of logical arguments and even humour found in his “Rootless Root” eastern philosophical parody of hacker culture. An authoritative voice is prominent throughout his website, using pronoun language to address the audience as though in direct conversation. For example, on his “In Case You Care” page, ESR writes: “If you are a really serious geek, you probably want to know about my home hardware.”

In ESR’s guide on “How to Become a Hacker”, rules of the hacker culture are outlined for the audience. From the outset, the audience is introduced to ESR as the “editor of the Jargon File” and other “well known documents” implying authority, and even social proof by saying, “I often get email requests from enthusiastic network newbies”. The audience is also appealed to emotionally through the semiotic “geek” and “nerd” identifiers, as ESR asserts in “The Hacker/Nerd Connection: Being something of a social outcast helps you stay concentrated on the really important things, like thinking and hacking”. The reason why these identifiers connect with the inscribed reader is interpreted by Scott (n.d.) as a “deviant (or moral) career”:

Stigmatising labels are hugely powerful in shaping our sense of who we are in relation to significant others and to the wider society, and so a moral career can be one of the most defining influences upon self identity.

Although nerds and geeks have formed resistance and project identities in response to being social outcasts, they have also developed into legitimizing identities (e.g. Bill Gates and Steve Wozniak), whose complementary influence has become ever pervasive in modern society. Kendall (1999, p. 8) relates this to the ‘revenge of the nerds’: “Money confers status in the USA, and business and monetary success confer masculinity. Hence the ‘revenge’ of this previously non-hegemonic group."

For a full list of references click here

Monday, May 11, 2009

Leading freelance site acquired by Australian company

One of the world's largest freelance project outsourcing websites, GetAFreelancer.com (GAF), is now Australian owned, after a recent buyout by promising Sydney based communications academics saw the acquisition of GAF's Swedish parent company.

Previously owned by Plendo Sweden AB and Innovate it, GAF will now fall under the management of Australian company, Ignition Networks, under the direction of Michael Ruhfus and Pearcey Award winning CEO, Matt Barrie, who describes Ignition Networks as "a technology company in stealth mode".

Since the acquisition, GAF users have experienced delays in payment processing of up to two weeks for withdrawals of any income made through projects advertised on the GAF website.

Tuesday, May 5, 2009

Picture Kingz site shut down

Within 48hours of this blog's previous post on the Picture Kingz phishing scam, the website has successfully been shut down. The news was spread quite quickly throughout online social networks such as Facebook, Digg, and Reddit among other sites.

Mozilla FF users will now see an active Phishing and Malware Protection page when visiting this site, while IE, Safari and Google Chrome users will be unable to display the page or connect to the site's server at all.

If FF is not blocking this site for you, please visit http://en-us.www.mozilla.com/en-US/firefox/phishing-protection/ for more information on how to turn on FF Phishing and Malware Protection.

Sunday, May 3, 2009

Caveat Emptor: Picture Kingz phishing scam


Recent spam messages sent from MSN referring you to a site called Picture Kingz is a phishing scam designed to steal your Windows Live ID account details. The messages may be spread through your friends accounts referring you to their photos or other files.

Do not enter your account details on this website. Their terms and conditions clearly state:

We may temporarily access your MSN account to do a combination of the following: 1. Send Instant Messages to your friends promoting this site. 2. Introduce new entertaining sites to your friends via Instant Messages.

Monday, April 6, 2009

Internet literacy for the digital age


In light of the Rudd Government's plans to enforce internet censorship in Australia, this essay discusses the current state of research conducted by the Australian government in contrast with influential internet and digital literacy research from the UK.

Twenty years ago surfing this sea of information through a web of interconnected networks was an experience unfamiliar to the citizens of a soon-to-be global society. Nowadays it is widely practiced but still seemingly misunderstood in terms of digital or internet literacy, which remains a relatively new concept that is not yet widely taught as part of the curriculum in educational institutions throughout Australia.

Similarly, this was the case in the United Kingdom (UK) less than five years ago. The potential of the internet as a great resource for information and interactivity was widely accepted, and youth were proclaimed to be great navigators of this new technology. But as it turns out, “the gap between what children are actually doing and what their parents think they are doing is a lot larger than many people would have imagined” (Carr cited in Bober & Livingstone, 2005).


The UKCGO Project

It was through further comprehensive research that a clearer picture of internet literacy, with regard to children and their families, was formed through the UK Children Go Online (UKCGO) project. This project was established and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), an independent organisation funded by the UK Government’s Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (ESRC, 2009).

The ESRC commissioned the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) to conduct academic research as part of their ‘e-Society’ programme in collaboration with funding and advice from AOL, the National Children’s Home (NCH) now known as Action for Children, Childnet International, Citizens Online and the Office of Communications (Ofcom) which incorporates the now defunct Broadcasting Standards Commission (BSC) and Independent Television Commission (ITC). Members from these organisations also served as part of the project’s ‘Children’s Advisory Panel’.

Through the collaboration of these non profit, corporate, academic, government and independent organisations came the ‘UK Children Go Online’ project. This project paved the way for stimulating public awareness of the sociological implications surrounding children’s internet usage. Through media coverage, further research, education programmes and government initiatives, the research from this project still continues to influence society’s understanding of the media-audience relationship with the internet to the present day.

Research from the UKCGO project has played a key role in government debate as actioned by Baroness Susan Greenfield in the House of Lords during April 2006, which provided a basis for further consultation with other government departments such as the Home Office Internet Task Force and the Department for Education and Skills (DfES) which has since been replaced by The Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF) and the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills (DIUS).

More recently the research from this project was used as evidence during the ‘Byron Review’ in the House of Commons during July of last year where UKCGO’s project researcher, Professor Livingstone, was called upon as a witness for the Committee on Culture, Media and Sport in the House of Commons and spoke of findings from the UKCGO project (HC 353-II, 2007-2008). Based upon this research among other works, the UK Council for Child Internet Safety (UKCCIS) was then established in September 2008 to develop and maintain a Child Internet Safety Strategy (Byron Review, 2008).

This report has not only been significant within the UK or European countries but has influenced international initiatives such as the annual ‘Safer Internet Day’ where this year’s theme of ‘Social Networking and Cyber Bullying’ is based upon research from the ‘Good Practice Guidance for the Providers of Social Networking and Other User Interactive Services’ released in 2008, which draws upon findings from Livingstone’s UKCGO project work.

The reason for this ongoing popularity of the findings from the UKCGO project is due to the comprehensive nature of the studies conducted. The research methodologies employed in the project comprise of quantitative and qualitative techniques which involve a large number of participants. As CEO of Childnet International, Stephen Carrick-Davies, points out in the UKCGO final report: “This is the largest body of academic research on children’s use of technology ever to happen in the UK.”

Another unique aspect of the project is that it goes beyond preceding secondary research which traditionally focused on quantitative audits of factors such as internet usage patterns and perceptions or “small-scale, qualitative work” (Livingstone, 2003 as cited in Bober & Livingstone, 2004). The research methodologies used in the UKCGO project differs by delving into the qualitative aspects of the media-audience relationship based on a uses-and-gratifications and ethnographic model which was centrally focused on the niche market of children in families on a national scale. “The study is unique in that it reveals the thoughts and feelings of young people themselves about the digital age in which they are living” (Biz/ed, 2005).

The shortcomings of adopting a rigid approach can limit the effectiveness of audience research. As Kerr, Kücklich and Brereton (2006) note, the uses-and-gratifications model “is unable to deal with variations in media experience” involving socio-economic and cultural media consumption, and that:

Conventional textual analysis tries to make visible the latent and inherent meanings and pleasures to be found in a text, but this approach can be problematic when applied to new media, where the text is far from static, and is most useful when combined with work that explores how users actually interpret and use the text.

According to Livingstone’s ‘End of Award Report’ (2005), the research was designed using secondary research information and consultation with the ‘Children’s Advisory Panel’ who assisted in forming survey designs and providing guidance throughout the project. Quality control was achieved by forming an ethics policy through external consultation with a number of organisations, and quality check interviews by the British Market Research Bureau (BMRB) conducted after the project found that the “10% of respondents [interviewed] reported few or no problems”.

In order to explore the media-audience relationship of children and the internet through the uses-and-gratifications and ethnographic models, qualitative methods were adopted to gauge a child’s comprehension of the technology. Where previous studies have focused on familiarity with the internet and computer technology, the UKCGO project also measures their proficiency by determining how well children implement the technology to benefit their lives in what Livingstone describes as “internet literacy”.

To achieve this, the project’s research was conducted in three phases involving over 1500 children and their parents. The quantitative methods were employed in a “national, in-home, 40-minute face to face survey of 1511 9-19 year olds and 906 parents of the 9-17 year olds, using Random Location sampling across the UK” (Bober & Livingstone, 2005) to establish “social, economic and cultural patterning of internet-related interests, beliefs and practices among children and young people” (Bober & Livingstone, 2004). During phases 1 and 3, qualitative methods in terms of focus group discussions, mind mapping exercises, depth and/or paired depth interviews, and direct in-home observations of internet use were employed to collect data amongst children, parents and five youth web producers from varied social groups.

These qualitative methods were not only appropriate, but necessary in order to meet the project’s objectives, specifically in providing “in-depth qualitative data on the emerging place of the internet in children and young people’s lives”, and also to “ensure that children’s own voices are heard in public and policy debates” (Livingstone, 2005). This could not have been accomplished using quantitative methods alone and thus the combination of both quantitative and qualitative techniques have proved successful in representing scalable differences and commonalities from results arising within a subjective, individual user experience.


An Australian perspective

With the Rudd Government’s introduction of national reforms as part of the Australian ‘Education Revolution’ involving the rollout of thousands of computers across schools and the introduction of the ‘Education Tax Refund’ returning 50 per cent of costs associated with computer and internet expenses, Australia is still yet to produce internet related, child centred research that matches the comprehensive nature of the UKCGO project.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2008): “in 2007-08, 67 percent of Australian households had home Internet access and 75 percent of households had access to a computer”. Digital media technology has already established its presence as commonplace in everyday Australian life, and with this presents new educational and social challenges. “Technology will do you no good unless you have men and women who know how to take advantage of it,” News Corp Chairman Rupert Murdoch said during the Boyer Lectures last November. “Societies that want to prosper in this new age need to cultivate a spirit of learning and flexibility and achievement”.

Yet ‘digital literacy’ is a relatively new term only recently being discussed within Government, as introduced by the Australian Communications and Media Authority’s (ACMA) ‘Families and Media Literacy Research Forum’ during September 2008, where the ACMA’s Strategic Research Section Manager, Lesley Osborne, announced that the “ACMA’s digital literacy research program is still in its early days”.

Some of the research cited during this digital literacy forum were from preceding ACMA reports conducted in 2007 and 2005 with updates pertaining to youth in 2008, which used qualitative methods by way of phone interviews, surveys and a “self-complete time-use diary” (ACMA, 2007) although the 2007 ACMA report does cite the UKCGO Survey (2006) as part of the research literature reviewed for the report. However, these previous ACMA reports did not employ focus groups or in home observations and discussion of internet usage particularly with relation to children, nor did the ACMA research collaborate with a large number of organisations to incorporate their guidance as an advisory body, in relation to survey design or methodologies used.

With the Rudd (2008) Government’s “evidence-based policy” approach to decision making, it is crucial that Australia draws upon the research methodologies seen in the UKCGO project, among other studies, to establish a clear understanding of the state of digital literacy within the nation as a way forward to addressing key issues pertaining to educational needs, regulation and best practice guidelines.

Research of the magnitude seen in the UKCGO project has already shaped government policy within the UK and influenced many other studies following the release of its findings. The issues raised through the project’s research such as child safety on the internet, lack of internet literacy education and the effects of socio-economic status on access to facilities affect not only children and their parents but society as a whole. It is as Buckingham (2007) notes:

The increasing convergence of contemporary media means that we need to be addressing the skills and competencies – the multiple literacies – that are required by the whole range of contemporary forms of communication.

For a full list of references click here

Thursday, March 5, 2009

Strength in numbers

Download or print this publication

This essay discusses the concept of audience as a media commodity and their power as citizens of the digital media age.

For two years running, Australians have ranked politicians higher than journalists in ethics and honesty (Roy Morgan, 2007 & 2008). In 2006, Roy Morgan’s ‘End of Year’ survey found that 59 per cent of respondents “don’t trust journalists to tell the truth”. Based on these results, Roy Morgan’s Executive Chairman, Gary Morgan commented:

“Although there is a heavy reliance on media organisations to inform Australians of what is happening at home and abroad, the fact that 74% agree that ‘media organisations are more interested in making money than informing society’ raises major questions about the integrity of the entire media industry.”

Consumer confidence of the media is down, but the commercial relationship between advertisers, the media and their ‘consumers’ still remains. By classifying their audience as passive commodities, the role of the audience as stakeholders in the economic viability of the media industry was overlooked.

With the rising popularity of digital media, a shift in the ‘public sphere’ occurred. “One of the biggest factors changing our world is the falling cost for like-minded people to locate each other, share information, trade impressions and realize their number,” which Journalism Professor Jay Rosen argues is the cause of media authority erosion.

The growth of citizen journalism websites is an illustration of the public sphere in which civic society fosters communication through an online medium. According to Bowman & Willis (2003), “news media and consumer non-profits no longer have a monopoly on serving as a watchdog on government and private industry. Individuals and citizen groups are stepping in to fill the void they believe has been created by lapses in coverage by big media”.

The argument put forward by the media industry lies in the quality of information disseminated by the citizen journalism movement. “As a bit of a reality check”, The Age Online Community Editor, James Farmer, asks citizens on his blog: “When was the last time you encountered a "citizen doctor", valued a report by a "citizen researcher", took off in a plane flown by a "citizen pilot" or saw justice meted out by "citizen policeman"?

Helium.com is once such website encouraging citizens worldwide to “Learn what you need, share what you know”, by publishing user generated articles as part of an online community. Helium positions its audience through the use of branding strategies containing key messages targeting the citizen in onsite banner ads and copy. Statements such as: “Helium Debates. Civilized Discourse”, and “Helium brings civility back to the Internet” target the citizens’ need for a public sphere where independently sourced information can be published and subjected to open ‘real time’ evaluation.

Through classifying the audience as passive consumers, media credibility has deteriorated along with declining profit margins currently plaguing the global media industry as digital media revenues increase, growing by 17 per cent last year and predicted to rise close to 25 per cent in 2009 (AIMIA, 2008).

Without citizens investing their time and money in the media industry, advertising revenues fall and media production becomes an unviable economic enterprise. It would seem these trends demonstrate that the audience is not just a ‘commodity’ of ‘consumers’ but indeed a driving force behind the existence of the media industry itself.

For a full list of references, click here

Monday, March 2, 2009

Location! Location! Location!


This essay discusses the bearing 'spaces' have on how audience members are positioned and perceived by media producers.

It’s the phrase real estate agents swear by like some unspoken sales creed of official truth. Although ‘location, location, location’ is advice generally applied in a literal sense when, for example, purchasing the ideal business property to attract customers, the concept behind this capacity to influence certain people by analysing the spaces they occupy, can also be applied to audiences drawn to the media production of intellectual ‘property’ such as magazines, newspapers, TV and radio programs.

By considering spaces as a key factor in audience research, media producers may then generate content to target the “inscribed reader” who O'Shaughnessy and Stadler (2008) defines as “an ideal reader who is constructed by the text or who is imagined or intended by the producers of the text” (p.100) .

When the geographic space where media is consumed is taken into consideration, it creates quantitative and qualitative parameters which can attempt to describe who the audience is. This description of the audience can then be used by the media to produce content which assumes a particular style which may appeal more so to their inscribed reader.

This stylistic approach is evident in the many newspapers available within Sydney which differ in content based on their target demographic. The content in a metropolitan newspaper will vary significantly from a community newspaper based on spatial reach alone without considering audience socio-economic factors.

What news may be deemed significant to local residents in the suburb of Campbelltown such as this week’s front page story, “Bulldozer Cure”, in the Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser (Marchetta 2009), a follow up news article of recent violence in the local area, is not necessarily news of national interest and was not mentioned in any Sydney metropolitan paper this week.

However, during January, the violent event was reported in national, metropolitan and local print, web and broadcast news for approximately 2 weeks with headlines such as: “Elders called in to calm Sydney 'ghetto'” (ABC News 2009), “Life in a suburban warzone” (The Daily Telegraph 2009), and “Local member won't visit Rosemeadow” (AAP 2009).

The local news coverage of the event titled “Two shot and four stabbed at Rosemeadow” (Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser 2009) had ongoing follow up articles such as “It’s time to shake off an unfair reputation” and “Is Campbelltown as bad as what the media makes it out to be?” (Macarthur Chronicle 2009). This week’s edition of the Campbelltown Macarthur Advertiser also includes the article “Campbelltonian and proud of it!” by its Editor (McGill 2009).

The style in which this story was presented to the audience by the media is an example of the role spaces play in how messages are positioned to the perceived audience. It also outlines some disadvantage to this spatial analysis of a mass audience by the local community itself declaring misrepresentation in the eyes of the nation.

As highlighted by this example, it seems the resulting content from the spatial perception of a mass audience by media producers is as McQuail describes: ranged from simple prejudice and snobbery to sophisticated exercises in media analysis.

For a full list of references click here

Saturday, February 28, 2009

Life in the clickstream*

Audiences are not just passive consumers brainwashed by media products, but are active participants who make their own meanings (O’Shaughnessy & Stadler, p. 105).

I chose this quote because I think there has been a shift in recent times due to the popularity of digital media.

The contemporary ‘audience’ is no longer passive but interactive.

The audience itself can inexpensively produce its own messages and communicate that globally with minimal technical knowledge in a matter of minutes. The audience can now literally create ‘the media’.

This has the potential to cause many complications in audience research as outlined in the Uses-and-gratifications model. I believe the parameters have widened considerably.

Information is now accessible through more mediums in many different formats. These mediums are also much more portable, widening the scope of distribution contexts.

How can one predict the effects of information communicated to an audience when the audience itself can influence others in the audience by creating their own messages that coincide with the text?

Mass communication is no longer a one sided affair. The ‘Letters to Ed’ have evolved into a global self publishing, user driven, multimedia cooperative.

In light of the recent media job cuts in Australia and around the world I would have to say this is a pertinent issue within the industry. The traditional mediums and technology journalists use to perform their role in communication have changed and are still continuing to evolve.

It would seem the media itself is changing to suit this new perception of the contemporary audience. The media-audience dynamic has become interchangeable in that the audience becomes the media and vice versa.

I believe this is why Fairfax called their recent culling the “business improvement program”. Times have changed, authorship has changed, the ‘audience’ has changed. The MEAA condemn the job cuts yet agree to the changes in their “Future of Journalism” summits. Welcome to life in the clickstream.


*Discussion Forum Activity posted on 11th February, 2009 by Maria Tan

CMNS6060 - eCulture and Audiences, The University of Newcastle

Internet Multimedia Technologies


This essay explores the current state of multimedia technologies and explains why audio and video streaming is an unreasonable expectation for the internet

Since the advent of the graphical user interface, multimedia has become a popular way to present and exchange information by combining various types of content such as audio, video, text and images onto a specific medium for distribution across the internet.

With the success of multi-user environments providing common platforms for global information access, sharing, and interaction on the internet, the popularity of multimedia technologies in its many forms still continues among internet users today.

The advancement of multimedia technology in the 1990s paved the way for further developments in areas such as audio and video streaming, e-commerce, online gaming, video conferencing, and Voice over Internet Protocol (VOIP) among many other technologies which have become commonly utilized over the internet through web browsers, gaming platforms, conferencing applications, media players and other such portals.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the rate of household internet access has quadrupled over the past eight years, from 16% in 1998 to 64% in 2006–071, while the number of subscribers to retail VOIP services rose to 83% worldwide in 2005 alone2.

The success of VOIP in particular is seeing many users transfer from circuit switching telephony to digital audio communication. VOIP operates in the same manner as other audio streaming technologies where sound is encoded and transmitted as packets of data in half or full duplex connections over fibre optic cables integrated into current telephone network infrastructure.

All of this popularity however, does generate disadvantages.
With the increased demand of multimedia content requiring a barrage of data packets to be transmitted, an increase in traffic congestion can result while data traverses the information superhighway.

This heightened information flow can in turn degrade the overall performance of successful data delivery on the internet by causing packet loss, disproportionate bandwidth distribution and delays in response time.

The underlying causes of these issues lies within the way audio and video content is streamed over the internet, and the increasing number of internet users accessing multimedia technology such as video on demand and VOIP.

Network protocols governing the way data is transmitted for web traffic such as text based and file sharing applications function differently to multimedia protocols3. Developed and governed by the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), the traditional TCP format of transferring data differs in packet structure and resultant behaviour from the transport layer User Datagram Protocol (UDP) commonly used in streaming audio and video.

The fundamental difference between these two protocols is that UDP is primarily concerned with providing high speed data transmission over the internet, while TCP is optimized for accurate delivery rather than timely delivery4. This is due to their packet structures differing in design. UDP provides a procedure for application programs to send messages to other programs with a minimum of protocol mechanism5 by being stripped down to only 4 fields while TCP fields are divided into 11 segments which provide other functions to guarantee successful data transmission. UDP supplies minimized transmission delay by omitting the connection setup process, flow control, and retransmission6.

Because UDP operates on a bare minimum of protocol mechanism, it lacks TCP’s ability to control data flow which in turn causes the problematic “saturation point”7 issues previously mentioned. When TCP experiences network congestion it automatically slows its transmission rate through four “congestion control algorithms”8 not present in UDP. Both protocols inadvertently affect each other during peak usage times with TCP regulating packets with slower data transmission rates in the face of congestion where UDP begins to use a higher bandwidth allocation while experiencing packet loss during TCP synchronization.

To overcome these congestion issues, current internet technologies must be upgraded to accommodate the increased flood of data from fast Ethernet to Gigabit Ethernet services. As the number of internet users accessing multimedia content continues to increase, the internet backbone which distributes this information must in turn adapt to cope with these changes to support future demands.

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